Sunday, April 8, 2012

Colonial Administration in British Ceylon.



In the 1832 Report of the Colebrooke Commission, Mr. C.H. Cameron outlined his view that Ceylon represented: “the fittest spot in our Eastern Dominions in which to plant the germ of European Civilization”. Ceylon had been unified under British control between 1796 and 1815, and remained relatively stable throughout its occupation, bar the Kandyan rebellions of 1817-1818 and 1848. Unlike India and the rebellion of 1857, maintenance of British control of Ceylon did not pose a significant headache for the Colonial Office beyond the initial invasion of Kandy. The later instability of 1848 was quickly remedied and provided important lessons for the administration of Ceylon. However, the administrative apparatus of the Island was largely in place by the first decade of the 19th century and further reforms were carried on through the 1830s to the 1840s, remaining the purview of the Ceylon Civil Service throughout British Occupation. Though expanded in the late 1830s, the Ceylon Civil Service remained a small organization with limited representatives in each district. From this datum, the stability of Ceylon is difficult to explain. Two useful documents that pertain to the administration of Ceylon, the 1848 Reports on the finance and commerce of the island of Ceylon, and correspondence relative thereto and Leonard Woolf’s Diaries in Ceylon 1908-1911, lend to our understanding of its relative stability. In the Ceylon Civil Service, it was required of high-ranking civil servants that they catalogue their daily activities. Leonard Woolf’s official diaries composed while serving as assistant government agent in the Hambantota district, between 1908 and 1911 provide insight into the day to day aspects of colonial administration. While, from the metropolitan core of the British Empire, a 1848 House of Common’s report on the finance and commerce of the island, place the administration of Ceylon in its broader political and economic context. Thus, both sources provide the basis for a dual perspective on British rule in Ceylon.

The House of Commons’ 1848 report, Ceylon: Reports on the finance and commerce of the island of Ceylon, and correspondence relative thereto, was intended to inform the metropolitan polity of the proposed course of action to be pursued by the colonial administration for improving the fiscal position of Ceylon. Prior to the Victorian era, the primary importance of British Ceylon was its strategic location and use by the navy during the Napoleonic period. Despite the prominence of cinnamon trade, the colony had maintained consistent deficits. Once Ceylon’s strategic value waned, the Colonial office could not ignore this state of affairs and the Royal Commission of Eastern Enquiry was established to redress the problem. Simultaneously, the first British attempts to develop a plantation economy modelled on the West Indies plantation systems. Control of Kandy provided entrepreneurs and would-be plantation owner’s access to suitable lands for the cultivation of coffee and tea. Whilst efforts to develop cotton and other crops failed, the original multiple crop models collapsed into monoculture. Plantations would eventual transform Ceylon’s economic, cultural and ethnic landscape. Prior to these developments, the reforms of 1833 represent an important turning point in the administration of British Ceylon.

The reforms of 1833 were centred on transforming Ceylon’s economy from the mercantilist structures developed under the Dutch occupation and continued with the East India Company toward a laissez-faire economic system. Indeed, the 1848 document reported a dramatic decrease in the colony’s expected revenues and the Colonial Secretary of British Ceylon, J.E. Tennent, recommended the abolition or reduction of trade duties, taxes and the cessation of remaining monopolies to remedy the fiscal decline. These policy recommendations were informed by classical political economy and signal the propensities of British colonial administration in Ceylon. However, the timing of the report coincided with a commercial crisis in metropolitan Britain and decline in cinnamon production and the nascent coffee plantations and the immediate response to the crisis involved reform of the tax system, burdening the peasants and Sinhalese population without removing impediments to economic liberalization. Nevertheless, the British effort to develop the infrastructure and agricultural production of Ceylon continued despite the setbacks of the late 1840s.

The development of plantations continued with renewed vigour after the collapse of 1848, as new investors brought failed plantations and commenced cultivation without the crippling debts of the first generation. It should be noted that the Kandyan rebellion of 1848 coincided with commercial crisis and occurred in geographical regions with intensive plantation cultivation. From this it has been speciously argued that the combined force of the commercial crisis and plantation economics caused the disturbances of 1848. However, the development of plantation cultivation in the region of Kandy did not occasion wide-scale dispossession of lands and much of the disturbances was associated with marginalized native power-elites that had not been placated under British rule. Landlessness was not a significant problem. Sinhalese peasants could not be made to work on plantation in large enough numbers. Therefore, Tamil seasonal labourers from South East India had to be imported to work the plantations. In practical terms, the Kandy Rebellion was not difficult to supress. The British had connected Kandy to Colombo by a major road that allowed for the quick movement of troops from the maritime region to the upcountry and further connected isolated regions by intensive road systems. Thus, the rebellion was suppressed quickly. In response to the rebellion, the British adapted their policy towards Buddhism and started to discourage Christian evangelicalism in an effort to plicate traditional power elites. Though, there was no great reform of the administrative system and the priorities of government remained consistent with those outlined in the Colebrooke Commission and the 1848 Ceylon: Reports on the finance and commerce of the island of Ceylon, and correspondence relative thereto. Leonard Woolf’s Diaries in Ceylon 1908-1911, though written in a later period, support this understanding of British Colonial administration.

Leonard Woof’s diaries detail his conduct and performance of duties as a member of the Ceylon Civil Service. It was required of agent assigned to districts that they maintain a daily account of their activities and these diaries were the primary source of information for the colonial administration in Colombo and from there the Colonial Office in Britain. In view of this, it should be remembered that Woolf is writing to impress a superior and present the image of himself as an efficient administrator and this perspective colours the document. Woolf served as the assistant government agent in the south eastern district of Hambantota and had roles pertaining to both the judicial and executive functions of administration. Many entries of the dairies detail inspection of infrastructure, predominantly this applies to irrigation systems and the construction of water tanks to facilitate the cultivation of rice paddies and moreover, the maintenance and improvement of salt production in the districts collection of lagoons. Of course, much preoccupation is given to the state of the district’s finances and means by which the administration could allocate its resources more efficiently. Specifically, through much of November 1908, Woolf spent much of his time attempting to reduce the cost of production and transportation of salt. This kind of activity was especially important, given that salt constituted one of the leading sources of colonial revenue, as the report on Ceylon’s finances makes clear. Incremental improvement to infrastructure and inspection of facilities constitute a mainstay of Woolf’s administrative duties.

In the administration of Ceylon, the fiscal position of the government and the economic development of the island were of paramount importance to the British establishment. Though, Woolf’s judicial function required him to preside over the trail of murder and other crimes. His ability to pursue this question is limited given his resources and there is one occasion were he acknowledges his inability to ascertain the truth relating to a murder in January of 1910. It is clear that Woolf’s primary role and that of Civil Servants was to preside over the economic development of the country and maintain the semblance of order among the natives. Only occasionally does Woolf depart from the recounting of his daily activities to offer casual opinions and aspects of Sinhalese culture and the effectiveness of the civil service. Thus, while much of Woolf’s activities are centered on the improvement of infrastructure, he regularly expresses skepticism about the technical prowess of the Sinhalese and their ability to maintain machinery indicating a contrary impulse among members of the civil service. As stated above, much of the labour for coffee and tea plantation was undertaken by imported Tamils from South East India and contemporary British opinions of Sinhalese were not favourable. Though, the Sinhalese did not destabilise the British Occupation after the Kandyan rebellion because they were not disposed of their lands and the development of plantation cultivation which were the primary economic support of colonialism did not in large matter adversely affect the native population and their way of life.

Infrastructure and economic development were the guiding priorities of the British occupation of Ceylon. Roads like the Colombo-Kandy link provided access to suitable lands for plantation and much energy was expended to improve farming and village conditions. The 1848 report was a low-water mark in British efforts to reform the Ceylon’s economy and administration given the impact of the 1847 commercial crisis. Though, it indicates the trajectory and priorities of British administration. Woolf’s diaries support the understanding of British rule presented within the report and add a quotidian dimension to that viewpoint. Under British Rule, Ceylon remained relatively stable after the suppression of the Kandyan Rebellion of 1848, many factors influenced this outcome and it would appear difficult given the small British presence in the day to day lives of the native population, especially in regional districts, but a confluence of economic and cultural forces mitigated against forces that destabilized other European colonies.

Written by Mathew Toll.


Bibliography

Primary Sources.
United Kingdom, House of Commons, (1848), Ceylon: Reports on the finance and commerce of the island of Ceylon, and correspondence relative thereto, London; William Clowes and Sons.
Woolf, L. (1963), Diaries in Ceylon 1908-1911 & Stories from the East, London; Hogarth Press.
Secondary Sources.
De Silva, K.M. (1981), A History of Sri Lanka, London; C. Hurst & Company.
De Silva, C. R. (1995), Ceylon under the British Occupation 1795-1833: Its Political, Administrative and Economic Development, Vol 2, New Delhi; Navrang.
Kerr, D. (1998), “Stories of the East: Leonard Woolf and the Genres of Colonial Discourse”, English Literature in Transition, 1880-1920, Vol. 41, No. 3, pp. 261-279,
Samaraweera, V. (1972), “Governor Sri Robert Wilmot Horton and The Reforms of 1833 in Ceylon”, The History Journal, Vol. XV, No. 2. Pp. 209-228.
Sivasundaram, S. (2007), “Tales of The Land: British Geography and Kandyan Resistance in Sri Lanka, c. 1803-1850”, Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 41, No. 5, pp. 925-965.
Subramaniam, V. (1957) “Graduates in the Public Services: A Comparative Study of Attitudes”, Public Administration, Vol. 35, No. 4. Pp. 373-394.
Wenzlhuemer, R. (2007), “Indian Labour Immigration and British Labour Policy in Nineteenth-Century Ceylon”, Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 41, No. 3. Pp. 575-602.

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Monday, March 26, 2012

Sketch of an Outline.


The above picture is an outline of a thesis, or at least how a thesis could be structured: literature review, research design, results, discussion and conclusion. The planed thesis is on the relationship between language and authority, or more specifically how language is used to confer legitimacy of knowledge-claims. I’m still working through the specific metrics and research methods, but the theoretical matrix is drawn from Basil Bernstein, Pierre Bourdieu and Legitimation Code Theory.

Friday, February 10, 2012

Marco Polo’s Unicorn.

Towards the end of high-school, a close friend of the family suffered from a stroke that left him without the ability to read with any sustained proficiency. As such, M---- D---- gave me his collection of books that he had acquired over the years. He had majored in literature and the collection contained a good cross-section of the Western cannon – great books – from the inception of the Spanish novel through Dickens and Dostoevsky to the authors of the Latin American boom. There was much poetry, 18th century English and French verse and anthologies of Bronze Age Greeks.

I can remember sitting with M---- D---- in hospital and talking of Nietzsche, Sartre and Camus and his smile of recognition and happiness that I was taking pleasure in reading and literature. That the books were going to good use. Whilst perpetually curious and striving for understanding, up to this point I had allowed my schooling to get in the way of my education. The collection was fuel to the fire. Among my favourites, the philosophical essays of Sartre and the novels of Camus helped to forge my own sense of self and my own set of principles without appeal to the eternal which I instinctively rejected. The eternal distinct of course, from eternity captured in the works of William Blake:





He who binds to himself a joy
Doth the winged life destroy;
But he who kisses the joy as it flies
Lives in Eternity's sunrise.”


To understand the concept of eternity, which I discovered in the poetry of Allen Ginsberg, it took years, the last stanza of Several Questions Answers and an acid trip to resolve that paradox of the ephemeral and yet ever present instant. The tab of acid which induced this epiphany, taken without thought during a rather drunken New Year’s Eve party, had produced a state of timelessness in which minutes seemed to last forever. In this state, conscious of my condition, I contemplated Blake’s Marriage of Heaven and Hell and one particular line:



"If the doors of perception were cleansed every thing would appear to man as it is, infinite"


The key phrase “doors of perception” was later borrowed by Aldus Huxley, for the title of a book reflecting on his experience with mescaline. Not that I would indulge Huxley’s views on the educative use of mescaline or that the drug can cleanse the doors of perception by undermining the supposed “eliminative function” of the brain allowing one to perceive pure reality without mediation; but the effect of time elongation produced by the acid trip did exemplify the notion, each moment stretched out into an eternity of excruciating self-referential dialogue on books, character and destiny. Of course, perception is not a function of elimination but rather an act of construction. The solipsist Bishop Berkeley, not Blake or Huxley, was closer to the mark. Dual perceptive optical illusions demonstrate how perception is a function of ‘noticing an aspect’ which the brain constructs in conjunction with our previous experience into our picture of reality – only until we shift focus and recreate the picture yet again. Acid does not expand consciousness, in the sense suggested by Huxley's imitators; it merely interferes with how the brain interprets perceptual data allowing for the illusion of insight. The epiphany on eternity, less the result of true insight into the nature of reality was more likely the outcome of previously acquired mental furnishings: the accumulation of books and memories of casual café conversations.

The Venetian traveller Marco Polo, while journeying through Asia found rhinoceroses and saw unicorns. The point here is that books and myths, previously accumulated mental furnishings, inform our understanding and perception of the world (this should be taken as a simple statement of fact: there is no sociological or literary substitute for epistemology). Marco Polo saw unicorns, because European folklore had led him to believe that is what he was seeing.

Written by Mathew Toll.

Monday, January 30, 2012

Novocastrian Pentecostalism: An Account of a Service.



Church 180 is situated on Hunter Street, the main road through Newcastle’s central business district, and housed in The Royal, an old art-deco cinema. The building’s exterior is elaborate with several distinct sections of unique design, while its condition has somewhat deteriorated over the years. Aside from a small sign bolted to the wall that indicated the presence of a church, there is nothing external to the building that signals its use for religious services. I arrived an hour before the service and the only sign of activity was a coffee cart set up to the side of the main entrance, in an attached vehicle bay. Most people seemed to arrive on foot; however, given the nature of the street it is hard to find parking in the immediate vicinity. The cars that did arrive outside of the building were typical of the area, standard production-line family cars and some utility vehicles that all appeared to be in good condition and well kept.

As the service time drew nearer people started to arrive in greater numbers and I approached the main entrance, which led into a large foyer with people milling about in conversation with each other. Near the front doors spread at intervals there were a team of greeters. Upon entering I was immediately noticed by a greeter dressed in a black collared shirt and dark slacks, who made eye contact and approached me to introduce himself and handed me a brochure that contained information about the church and its services. He asked me where I was from and introduced me to one of the younger Pastors at the service, dressed in a causal surf-brand t-shirt and jeans, who took me into the main body of the theatre and informed me that tonight’s service would have a special “rock theme”. He showed me to the seats and said that if I had any questions he’d be happy to answer them. At first I sat towards the back of the theatre, but given that even the front section of seats was not filled I moved forward before the service began. Perhaps the most striking feature of the space was the complete lack of obvious religious decoration, I scanned the room and it was merely a white-washed multi-purpose room with no crucifixes, no depictions or inscriptions. The most prominent feature were three large plasma televisions arranged upon high-platforms draped in a glossy black material. The space seemed secular in nature, and the people sat chatting as young children ran around playing. While the service itself seemed to be very youth-focused, the actual congregation was largely made up of middle-aged people with a scattering of individuals both younger and older than the mean. Their attire was casual to semi-formal with some men and women dressed in t-shirts and jeans, whilst other woman wore dresses, and other men sported jeans and collared shirts. The participants dressed in styles typical of middle and working class people of the area. The ethnic breakdown of the congregation was largely Caucasian, representative of the city, with few ethnic minorities present and the gender differential appeared to be roughly even.

To signal the commencement of the service, the plasma televisions were turned on and their screens displayed a count-down from three minutes and smoke machines started to bellow out mist that obscured part of the stage. No one seemed that fussed by this and continued to talk until the counter reached one minute to the beginning and people started to file in and the first section of chairs filled out quickly with approximately three hundred in attendance. In the last few seconds of the countdown, a band assembled on the stage and the lights dimmed, the music started with a jolt of guitar and drums as people stood up on their feet one by one until I could see no one sitting. I felt compelled to stand up and fain enjoyment – it would have been extremely conspicuous and odd to remain seated. Some people put their hands upward towards the roof, while others swayed with eyes closed and others still jumped about and danced. There was a feeling of anonymity given the dim lighting and invasive sound that permeated the hall to the extent you could not hear the person next to you. The first song was fast and energizing with the chorus line that went “everybody stand up if you praise him”, obviously designed to draw people into the service and uplift their moods. The lyrics were displayed upon the screens and I noticed that they were copyrighted by Hillsong church, Australia’s largest Church which would indicate a similar platform and uniformity of Pentecostal churches in Australia.

The band continued through two more songs, connected by bridges that melodically rose and fell between peaks of intensity and mellow lows, which lyrically concerned the awe inspiring power of Jesus and his love for all of us. It was at this moment that two points continued to recur to me. Firstly, that, as Sigmund Freud argued in The Future of An Illusion, the belief cannot be separated from the wish, as the lyrics continuity reiterated that Jesus gave himself for humanity, to save us, to protect us and that he is looking out for us. Secondly, that given the elaborate means employed to stimulate emotional response, how was it possible for participants to differentiate between the excitement of the music (alongside the general ambiance) and the experience of faith ('evidence of things unseen')? With the end of the first musical segment of the service, one of the Pastors started by noting that the music, band and theatrics of the service were a “mask” for god, that god was working through them to reach the congregation and help them feel the Holy Spirit.

At this point, the Pastors began to talk about the “awesome power of god” and how good it felt to praise him. Pumping his arm into the air, he claimed that earlier that day he had been unable to raise his arms above his shoulders until someone from the earlier service had prayed over him and healed his injury. Then, he discussed a section of the book of Hebrews that pertained to a high-priest in the time of Abraham who had received tithing from Abraham and foreshadowed the coming of Jesus who now represented the high-priest. And, just as in those days, it was the duty of the godly to tithe. He did not quote biblical scripture directly and the story was rendered in a colloquial and informal fashion, as he enthusiastically gestured and pasted up and down in front of the congregation. Buckets were passed down through the rows and people where encouraged to give to god, not man, as the funds required for running the church where for him and not man. Moreover, visitors at the service were invited to mark their details upon “connect cards” that would allow the Church to remain in contact with them and send news of upcoming events. As the bucket past me, I noticed it did not contain money but someone had dropped a connect card into it. This process completed, the congregation was invited to pray for a member who had been through some recent distress and anyone in their lives who was suffering through hard times. When the pastor was done with the group pray, a multimedia presentation was screened on the plasma televisions that relayed Church news from the return of the senior pastor from an overseas trip to planed activities of “connect groups” and the upcoming “couples night”. Music, media and theatrical flares were highly integrated into the service, or rather, seemed to constitute the main components of the service. After the Church news, the smoke machines were turned on and smoke obscured the stage as the band reemerged dressed as Kiss, the American rock band known for their elaborate costumes and face-painting, to preformed God Gave Rock 'n' Roll To You. The song and the original lyricist Russ Ballard’s life and theological questioning were used by the senior pastor as a means to discuss the book of Job and the question of what god does for man and how it isn’t for man to question god, but for god to question man.

The senior Pastor’s sermon was ushered in by another short multi-media production that used rock music and flashing graphics to signal who was delivering the sermon. Unlike the first pastor, the second pastor was more subdued and deliberate in his delivery and affected a solemn importance at crucial points in the speech, while still rendering scripture into distilled colloquialisms. Dressed in a collared shirt and blue- jeans, the pastor retold the story of Job, his misfortunes and resultant indignation levied at god for the existence of suffering. At which point, the pastor explained the response of god that came not in the form of answers but in further questions, designed to put Job in his place and emphasise his inability to comprehend the magnitude of the world and the power of its creator. The theological summation was: god is powerful beyond question and questions us in our purposes and not visa-versa. Toward the end of the sermon, the congregation was invited to close their eyes and bow their heads. The pastor continued to talk of Job and God, while personalizing the story and reiterating that some of the congregation might feel or have felt like Job and that it wasn’t for us to question god. He continued that it fell upon each individually to act against suffering in the world and live up to god’s expectations. He then invited people to take Jesus into their heart today and started to vaguely indicate positions in the room where people might wish to do so, “perhaps someone at the back wants to accept Jesus into their heart” and then the he asked people to raise their hand to indicate acceptance of Christ. He congratulated someone at the back and told them they weren’t the only one to make that decision today as others in the morning service had raised their hands. I opened my eyes and a girl seated to the left of me had raised her hand and seemed uneasy to have been the only person singled out.

After the Sermon was finished, the band again took to the stage and the lights were dimmed. Once the band was finished, the service was concluded and everyone was invited into the foyer for refreshments. It took roughly half an hour to forty five minutes for the congregation to dissipate as people took their time chatting amicably.

Written by Mathew Toll.
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Monday, January 23, 2012

Adolf Hitler on Standpoint-Epistemology.

Of course, Hitler didn’t live long enough to rub shoulders with supporters of foucauldian discourse theory, feminist-standpoint epistemology or any form of ‘post-modern’ sociological analysis and the parallel does not invalidate their position. But, Rob Moore’s use of the quote in Towards the Sociology of The Truth was a delicious if somewhat cheeky deployment of the dictator’s views to attack epistemological relativism, which is self-undermining and damaging to the discipline of sociology if taken too seriously. As of now, I’m only a couple chapters into the work but I’ve found nothing to quibble with and find myself nodding and agreeing - perhaps, that’s a fault in and of itself but I’d recommend it to anyone interested in the sociology of knowledge, science or education.

Saturday, December 31, 2011

God Against The Maelstrom: Fundamentalism and Modernity.


Fundamentalism is a term that originated in the United States. Early in the 20th century, Protestant groups adopted the designation to differentiate themselves from forms of liberal Protestantism and secularists (Jones, 2010). The recent coinage of fundamentalism suggests that its development is related to modernity, and while fundamentalist movements are characterized by their commitment to traditional belief-systems, they are often highly innovative adaptations to the modern experience. In this paper, the relationship between fundamentalism and modernity will be analysed; first by elaborating the concept of modernity and then reviewing the theoretical literature on the defining characteristics of religious fundamentalism, which will be tied together with two specific case studies: Protestant fundamentalism and Islamic fundamentalism. It will be shown that religious fundamentalism is a defensive strategy employed in response to the uncertainties and rapid shifts of modernity.