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| #LCTC2 on the final day |
Friday, July 7, 2017
Tweeting #LCTC2
Tuesday, June 20, 2017
Sociology of Deviance and Difference
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| Camperdown Memorial Rest Park, Church St Newtown, Sydney. (14th, June,2017) |
Alex Page and I are coordinating a Unit for Winter School, the Sociology of Deviance and Difference, and we wrote a brief note for the Unit of Study to convey the ethos and importance of such a topic. Here it is:
A Brief Note From Your Course Coordinators:
We would both
like to formally welcome you to the Winter School version of Sociology of
Deviance and Difference for 2017! In this intensive unit over the next two and half
weeks we – Mathew Toll and Alex Page – will be working with you to unpack the
nature of deviance and difference and ask questions like: what is deviance? Is it socially constructed?
And if so, how and why is it constructed in certain ways? Who gets to set the
rules? Who gets to label someone a deviant? How is deviance and difference
experienced? And, what are the relations of power at play that determine
constructions of normalcy? Why this way and not another? These questions will
inform the discussion of various social fields of practice to see who wins and
who is deemed bad/mad/different and in need of sanction, disciplining, or
exclusion.
From the outset, we want you to understand the
direction this course through three kinds of stories:
- Kinds of People Stories: deviance as rooted in the biological and psychological attributes of people.
- Kinds of Society Stories: deviance as norm-breaking, labelling processes, and the social construction of deviance and difference.
- Kinds of Power Stories: deviance and difference as an operation of power and struggle over who is considered normal.
Durkheim established a sociological understanding
of deviance, kinds of society stories, and argues that norm-breaking rather
than being a pathological aspect of society serve a set of key functions, not
least norm-making. We always need to think about how the construction of
deviance and difference are integral to a society, because even in a society of
stains there are deviants:
“Imagine
a community of saints in an exemplary and perfect monastery. In it crime as
such will be unknown, but faults that appear venial to the ordinary person will
arouse the same scandal as does normal crime in ordinary consciences. If
therefore that the community has the power to judge and punish, it will term
such acts criminal and deal with them as such. It is for the same reason that
the completely honourable man judges his slightest moral failings with a
severity that the mass of people reserves for acts that are truly criminal. In
former times acts of violence against the person were more frequent than they
are today because respect for individual dignity was weaker. As it has
increased, such crimes have become less frequent, but many acts which offended
against that sentiment have been incorporated into the penal code, which did
not previously include them.”
-
Emile Durkheim (1983, 100), Rules for a
Sociological Method.
Foucault
takes us further and argues that the disciplinary powers that act on people who
are deviant or different are found in many institutions in modern society beyond
formally punitive institutions. He
makes us think about how disciplinary and normalizing power spreads throughout
the social body and impacts everyone: power is in all relations, forming and
reforming people’s bodies and souls:
“The
judges of normality are present everywhere. We are in the society of the
teacher-judge, the doctor-judge, the educator-judge, the ‘social worker’-judge;
it is on them that the universal reign of the normative is based; and each
individual, wherever he may find himself, subjects to it his body, his
gestures, his behaviour, his aptitudes, his achievements. The carceral network,
in its compact or disseminated forms, with its systems of insertion,
distribution, surveillance, observation, has been the greatest support, in
modem society, of the normalizing power.”
– Michel Foucault (1995, 304), Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the
Prison
Our
final quote comes from Vaneigem, who pushes us beyond the textbooks and into
the reality of our own worlds:
“People
who talk about revolution and class struggle without referring explicitly to
everyday life, without understanding what is subversive about love and what is
positive in the refusal of constraints - such people have a corpse in their
mouth.”
- Raoul
Vaneigem (2001, 26), The Revolution of
Everyday Life.
This sentiment is vital for the Sociology of
Deviance and Difference – vital for sociology. Vaneigem demands of us to
connect theoretical tools and frameworks down to the social realities of lived
experience. Not only is this a good use of your sociological imagination, we
strive to do this because it also means you develop the skills to pull apart
complex social phenomena in your own day-to-day lives! We believe is this the
very foundation of a good sociological education. Maintaining norms and
sectioning ‘deviants’ is a key way we ourselves exert power over others and
this course aims to make us conscious of our own use of power.
We would like to acknowledge Prof Karl Maton and Dr Nadine Ehlers for their help in constructing this course. Finally, we wish you the best throughout Winter
School 2017, and are here to assist you in any way we can.
Mathew Toll and
Alex Page
Sunday, May 21, 2017
Way too Nice
University of Sydney's Eszter Szenes being way too nice. (I really wish I could have been more help).
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Sunday, May 14, 2017
Second International Legitimation Code Theory Conference: Paper
The Second International Legitimation Code Theory Conference is happening at the University of Sydney, July 2017. I have a paper in the conference:
Title: Hyper-Knowledge Codes: Contesting Knowledge-Building on the Climate Sceptic Blogosphere.
Knowledge codes are
not guarantees of knowledge-building; in fact, some may hinder it. This paper
explores a ‘hyper-knowledge codes’ through a cosmological analysis of climate
sceptic blogs. Studies of the field of production that employ Legitimation Code Theory (LCT) have principally focused on disciplines where the basis of
legitimation is a knower code. Maton (2014: 38) identifies the potential of
social knower codes to fragment disciplines and undermine knowledge-building.
While studies of knowledge code disciplines, e.g. physics, chemistry and
biology, have focused on impediments students face to educational attainment
and the realization of legitimate knowledge and not the field of
production. Yet, outside knower code disciplines, LCT suggests that the
relative emphasis on relations between knowledge practices and the known (ontic
relations) or relations between knowledge practices and other knowledges
(discursive relations) can produce divergent trajectories in knowledge code
fields and impose costs on knowledge-building (Maton 2014: 175, 182). As
Maton (2014: 182) notes “knowledge codes are neither homogeneous nor royal
roads to cumulative knowledge-building: stronger epistemic relations do
not by themselves guarantee intellectual progress.” Here a form of knowledge
code is proposed that destabilizes knowledge-building by establishing idealized
standards of legitimate knowledge and legitimate knowers which are difficult
for actors to approximate.
The substantive case
study for this theorization is the construal and contestation of legitimate
knowledge and knowers on the climate sceptic blogosphere. Bloggers
question the core-set of experts, the assessment reports and statements of
leading scientific institutions. Normative literature on the blogosphere either
positions it as a positive intervention into the climate change debate as an
“extended peer community” (Ravetz 2011: 149) or, more typically, a component of
the “denial machine” (Dunlap and McCright 2011: 147) that echoes doubt and
misinformation about climate science. This raises the question of how to
describe the knowledge practices of the climate sceptic blogosphere and how
bloggers construct, construe and contest knowledge around climate change.
While the importance of the blogosphere for the circulation of climate
scepticism is widely acknowledged, and the discourses of the blogosphere have
affected the public debate on climate change, there has been comparatively
little empirical examination of this sphere (Dunlap 2013). LCT provides a
language of description to unpack the knowledge practices of these actors and
assess their engagement in processes of legitimation.
To address this, a
cosmological analysis and analysis of the Specialization codes was conducted.
Cosmological analysis provides a means to see how, form a standpoint, the
different practices or stances of a field can be arranged, condensed with
meaning, and positively charged or negatively charged (Maton 2014: 149-150) and
thus allows for an analysis of what knowledge and knowers climate sceptic
construe as legitimate. Blogposts from high-value climate sceptic blogs
identified through their centrality in the hyperlink network of the blogosphere
are used as the primary data in this paper. Thematic analysis was first
conducted to identify the reoccurring patterns of the climate sceptic discourse
after which a constellation analysis and an analysis of the Specialization
codes was applied to the themes generated from the data. The analysis
reveals a constellation of stances, from the positively charged climate
sceptics, to lukewarmers, and negatively charged alarmists. Evaluation of
these relative positions in the field is based on an idealized conception of
science and scientists as disinterested, sceptical and falsificationist.
Technical competence is emphasised as the basis of achievement (ER +) and
indications of the gaze of scientists or potential axiology is negative
evaluated (SR-). Open puzzles, interpretative latitude, semantic density
or tight social networks of scientists can become the basis of
contestation. From this idealized conception of science, bloggers
critique mainstream climatologists, scientific institutions, and boundary
organisations that deviate from their ideal of a hyper-knowledge code.
The trouble of maintaining this ideal, provides a basis to contest knowledge
without providing alternative explanatory power, and thus aims to impedes
knowledge-building.
References.
Dunlap, R. (2013). "Climate Change Skepticism and Denial: An Introduction." American Behavioral Scientist 20(10): 1-8.
Dunlap, R. E. and A. M. McCright (2011). “Organized Climate Change Denial.”, The Oxford Handbooks of Climate Change. J. S. Dryzek, R. B. Norgaard and D. Schlosberg. London, Oxford University Press: 144-160.
Maton, K. (2014). Knowledge and Knowers: Towards a Realist Sociology of Education. London, Routledge.
Ravetz, J. (2011). "‘Climategate’ and the maturing of post-normal science." Futures 43(2): 149-157.
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| Giving the talk at #LCTC2, 7th of July, 2017 |
Monday, November 14, 2016
TASA Conference 2016: Paper
Author/s: Mathew Toll
Affiliation/s: Postgraduate member, LCT centre for Knowledge-Building,
University of Sydney.
Abstract: Discussion of the role of the
blogosphere in propagating climate scepticism echoes the focus on
misinformation implicit in the deficit model. This characterization of the
climate sceptic blogosphere suggests an arena without rules or evaluative
logics. Yet this is not borne out by a cosmological analysis of climate sceptic
blogs. In this paper, preliminary research is presented on the legitimation
codes that underpin how ideal knowers and legitimate knowledge are construed on
the climate sceptic blogosphere. On the blogosphere there is a commitment to
unpacking the black box of science and evaluating it from the position that can
be characterized as a toxic knowledge code, a schema for the
legitimation of knowledge that emphasises the procedural component of knowledge
and deems illegitimate the trained gaze of contributory experts that involve
tacit insights and judgements. From this idealization of science evidence of
the social relations that underpin knowledge practices, interpretive latitude
in the construction of knowledge or tacit semantic density can undermine the
legitimacy of knowledge. The strength of epistemic relations advocated
impedes knowledge-building rather than strengthening it. Understanding these
idealizations of knowledge production can allow for a more complete
understanding of alternative modes of knowledge production and contestation
online. Ultimately allowing for more effective strategies of engagement with
online counter-movements.
Friday, October 14, 2016
Sam Harris by Zoe Young.
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| Sam Harris by Zoe Young. |
The painting echoes the pose of Manet’s Olympia – but the
subject is an indigenous Australian woman surrounded by European books, that
comment on the European traditions of art, and perched underneath the leg of
the day bed, holding it level, is a copy of John Berger's Ways of Seeing.
The symbolism of this was what first struck me when viewing the painting
at the Archibald prize exhibition. It is not subtle. It offers continuity with
a tradition and, at the same time, a re-contextualisation and critical comment
on it. The only analysis of the painting that I found so far identifies
the reference Manet’s work but concludes that Young's painting is shallow and
unconsidered:
It’s a likeable, albeit lightweight work, but I don’t understand what Young is trying to tell us by putting so many books into the picture. Does she want us to know she is a good reader? Is she suggesting Harris is not just a pretty face? Either way, the gratuitous sprinkling of titles acts as a distraction, not an enhancement.
The titles aren't a distraction; they offer an interpretive lens
to the entire composition. I don't think Young merely wants to show that
she is a good reader. The allusion to Manet establishes continuity, the
selection of books on European art and australiana reemphasises both continuity
and recontexualization, and a book about the social context and purpose of art
invites social comment on the traditions of art in Australia and the
representation of women in art and indigenous women in particular. How could an
art critic miss these connections?
Saturday, August 6, 2016
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